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出版物简介
2013 年第1期
作者:孙哲等 来源: 时间:2015-07-02
AMERICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY Spring 2013Vol. 27, No. 1 ARTICLES The U.S. “Pivot to Asia-Pacific” Policy and Its Impact on U.S.-Russia Relations(Sun Zhe and Xu Hongfeng) In President Obamas first term,an important change in the U.S. national security strategy was “Pivot to AsiaPacific”, which was adopted in the context of the gradual shift of the center of global economic gravity from the Atlantic to the AsiaPacific along with the rapid rise of China. Multiple factors for this strategic change include economic development, geopolitics, military security, values and ideologies. However, the United States and Russia each has diplomatic resources at their own disposal in the AsiaPacific region, and the pivot will affect the strategic environment of both the western and eastern parts of Russia. In general, it will provide a favorable external condition for improvement of U.S.Russia relations. Russia will eventually gain a relatively long period of strategic opportunity for its domestic development. The change also provides opportunities for Russia to gain in the competitive game between China and the U.S. and to benefit from the fast economic development of the AsiaPacific region by taking part in the cooperation between China and the U.S. in this region. An Analysis on U.S. Post-Cold War Nonproliferation Policy(Liu Zikui) After the Cold War, Nonproliferation of WMD(Weapons of Mass Destruction) has become one of the focal points of American foreign policy and national security strategy. As the only superpower, American nonproliferation policy not only exerts a considerable impact on and makes changes to the international nonproliferation system, but also has consequential influence on the nonproliferation in the international community. In order to prevent the spread of WMD, the United States should reverse its current policy, respect other nations will to strengthen their national security, when America has safeguards her own and the security of its allies. America should justly deal with all the proliferation activities by the same standard. Sino-U.S. Relations in the Post Financial Crisis: Perspective from Discursive Power(Zhao Kejin) The financial crisis which began in 2008 has accelerated the international redistribution of power and promoted significant changes in the international situation, the international configuration and international trends of thoughts. With Chinas further integration in globalization, the SinoU.S. relations in post crisis era also have been transformed and the competition for discursive power becomes a new feature of the SinoU.S. relations. On nearly all issues, including global, regional, bilateral and even domestic ones, the two nations are facing great challenges of resolving discursive differences and reaching consensus. Among the challenges, there are prominent structural disadvantages on the part of Chinese discursive power and the absence of voice on some diplomatic issues between China and the United States. This problem is determined not only by international structure of discursive power, but also by Chinas lagging behind in drafting discursive power strategy. In the coming decades, with the rise of Chinas influence on world affairs, China should improve her strength on discursive power and increasingly advance Chinas discursive power for new type of great power relationship between China and the United States through actively drafting the discursive power strategy. The U.S. Antarctic Policy and Laws(Chen Li) With long history of exploration and other activities in the Antarctica, the United States led the conclusion of the1959 Antarctic Treaty and guided the direction of the Antarctic Treaty Systems. The aim of U.S. Antarctic policy is to guarantee its active and influential presence in the Antarctica. For this purpose, the U.S set up the administrative institution in charge of Antarctic affairs and coordinating regime for Antarctic policy and adopted necessary legislations and effective implementing measures. Though China is a “newcomer” and “nonsovereignty claimant” of Antarctica, China shares common interests and concerns on Antarctic issues with the United States. The U.S. Antarctic policies and laws can serve as important reference to China on promoting its role in participating in Antarctic affairs and safeguarding its rights and interests under the Antarctic Treaty systems. American Foreign Energy Policy and the Establishment of International Energy Agency(Shu Jianzhong) Facing the oil crisis of 1973, the United States launched the initiative to establish an organization of oil consuming countries. For this purpose, the U.S. worked out a wellconceived plan, and made positive diplomatic efforts, which finally led to the Washington Energy Conference and the establishment of International Energy Agency (IEA). Through IEA and its regime, the U.S. achieved the strategic goals of consolidating the Atlantic Alliance, laying down multilateral energy rules, and reshaping international energy order. Accordingly, America further upheld its leadership in the international energy system. A Study on the Freedom of Navigation Program of the United States(Qu Sheng) The Freedom of Navigation (FON) program was formally instituted in 1979 to meet encroachments on the American maritime rights, and to preserve the global mobility of U.S. forces by avoiding acquiescence in excessive maritime claims of other nations. The FON program followed the historical concepts and practices of the doctrine of the freedom of the seas in American diplomacy, but mostly was the reaction to challenges by coastal states to America's maritime power. The FON program defined socalled categories of “excessive maritime claims”, putting forward a threepronged strategy of diplomatic protest, operational assertion, and bilateral or multilateral negotiation. All administrations since President Carter have continued and developed the program. Many maritime incidents between China and the U.S. resulted from the implementation of the FON program by the U.S. to challenge socalled Chinese excessive maritime claims. The Evolution of U.S. Propaganda toward Overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia in the Early Cold War Years (1949~1964)(Zhai Tao) After the founding of the Peoples Republic of China, overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia (SEA) became the focal point of SinoAmerican ideological contest. The U.S. used a “doubletracked” psychological strategy, which included anti“Red China” (negative approach) and selling “Free China” (positive approach), and conducted vigorous propaganda offensive toward the overseas Chinese based on the USISHong Kong and USISTaipei as Chinese materials production centers in the first half of the 1950s. However, the preoccupation with winning overseas Chinese for the Taiwan was at the expense of SEAGRC and U.S.SEA relations. Consequently, the new U.S. information policies were made centering on “integration” of overseas Chinese with local societies. As the United States shifted its overseas Chinese policy out of the realm of China policy and into the realm of U.S.SEA relations, the American propaganda machinery gave up the information policies and programs that singled out the ethnic minority for special treatment in the middle of the 1960s. BOOK REVIEWS “Power and Rules Are Not Enemies”:A Review on Liberal Leviathan: The Origins, Crisis, and Transformation of the American World Order by G. John Ikenberry(Zhao Minghao) The Danger of Empire: A Brief Review of American Scholars' Reflection on the Antiterroist War(Chi Zhipei) ACADEMIC ACTIVITIES Summary of the Symposium on “SinoU.S. Public Diplomacy”:Lessons and Challenges(Qiu Chaobing) New Books Editor's Note
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