美国研究 AMERICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY 季刊第26卷2012年第3期9月5日出版 美国促进农业出口政策机制研究（张丽娟、高颂） “外围团体”对2012年美国大选的影响（徐彤武） 国际海底资源分配制度演变与美国海底政策的转向（王金强） 劳伦斯·萨默斯的“孟买共识”评析（杜幼康） 浅论美国情报机关预算信息公开（李建人） ——以“阿福特古德诉国家侦监局”案为例 网络空间的中美关系：竞争、冲突与合作（蔡翠红） 〇笔谈：世界发展趋势、美国对外战略与中美关系 世界发展趋势及中美关系前景（王缉思） 冷战后美国对外战略演变与中美关系（宫力） 从美国走向霸权的过程看当前中美权力转移（黄仁伟） 如何看待美国的战略调整（陶文钊） 美国的战略重点转移（夏立平） 独特的中美关系需要独特的管理模式（徐辉） 2012年美国总统选举的形势和特点（刘学成） 〇书评 奥巴马政府亚洲政策亲历者说（卢宁） ——杰弗里·贝德《奥巴马与中国的崛起》评介 对当代美国政治文化冲突的思想诊断（贾敏） ——读丹尼尔·罗杰斯的《断裂的年代》 〇学术动态 “美国对外战略与中美关系”学术研讨会暨中华美国学会、中美关系史研究会年会综述（余功德） 著述巡礼 编后 AMERICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY Volume 26, Number 3, Fall 2012 Huang Ping Hu Guocheng Zhao Mei Lu Ning Wei Hongxia Luo Weiqing Mei Renyi Fu Guoying Li Hui Qin Qin Editor Associate Editor Managing Editor Editorial Assistant Editorial Assistant Editorial Assistant English Polisher English Polisher Editorial Technician Proofreader Senior Advisers Chen Baosen, Wang Jisi, Zi Zhongyun Editorial Board Chu Shulong, Ding Xinghao, Han Tie, He Shunguo, Ji Hong, Jin Canrong, Li Daokui, Li Jianming, Liang Maoxin, Lu Jiande, Mei Renyi, Ni Feng, Ni Shixiong, Qin Yaqing, Ren Donglai, Ruan Zongze, Tao Wenzhao, Wang Rongjun, Wang Xi, Wang Zihong, Wu Baiyi, Xu Hui, Xu Tongwu, Yang Jiemian, Yuan Ming, Yuan Zheng, Zhang Yuyan, Zhou Qi AMERICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY is published jointly by the Chinese Association for American Studies and the Institute of American Studies at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. The content of the articles in this journal should not be construed as reflecting the views of either the Association or the Institute. MANUSCRIPTS SHOULD BE SENT TO: American Studies Quarterly at the Institute of American Studies, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (Addr. Unit A, No.158, Gulouxidajie, Xicheng District, Beijing 100720, China). SUBSCRIPTIONS: Call (8610) 8408-3531, 8408-3528 Fax: (8610) 8408-3506 Email: mgyjjk@gmail.com http://www.mgyj.com ISSN1002-8986Copyright 1987-2012 American Studies Quarterly Printed in Beijing, China AMERICAN STUDIES QUARTERLY Fall 2012, Vol. 26, No. 3 ARTICLES A Study of U.S. Agricultural Export Promotion Policy (Zhang Lijuan and Gao Song) The authors observe that U.S. agricultural export remains competitive and maintains sustainable growth even during the financial crisis and economic recession. They analyze the U.S. policymaking, related legislative activities and other measures for encouraging and supporting its agricultural exports. To promote agricultural exports is an important part of the “National Export Initiative.” U.S. agricultural export promotion policy mainly consists of provisions regarding agricultural protection, which is characterized by a direct subsidy policy, and free trade agreement negotiation strategies, which lead to trade promotion and export expansion. Specific government projects aiming to promote agricultural exports have well met the needs of agricultural exporters, and agricultural trade finance as well as risk management for agricultural exports have also provided effective protection for the operation of U.S. marketoriented agricultural exports. U.S. agricultural export will keep growing, and emerging economies will provide huge potential markets. As part of its economic recovery plan, the U.S. will continue to sustain agriculture, create employment and ensure food security. Outside Groups: Influential Players in 2012 U.S. General Election (Xu Tongwu) The most outstanding characteristic of America's 2012 general election, compared with past general elections, is the flourishing of outside groups - the various political organizations represented by super PACs. Under the banner of the First Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, those groups are permitted to raise huge amount of funds to influence the voters. This phenomenon marks a big setback of the contemporary campaign finance reform in the United States. It departs from basic values rooted in the federal Constitution, causes American democracy to fall into the political, judicial and ethical dilemmas, and is consequently opposed by the majority of the voters. In fact the crux of the matter is the substantial control of public policy-makings by American capitalist oligarchies. Therefore, the voices of outside groups are hardly expressions of the democratic rights of the largest part of American citizens. Research on the Evolution of International Seabed Resource Allocation Regime and Changes of American Seabed Policy (Wang Jinqiang) Firstmover advantage on capital and technology decided that the U.S. supported free development policy on seabed resource allocation. At the beginning of seabed regime construction, developing countries posed a challenge to the U.S.-supported policy by their voting advantage and ultimately led to American withdrawal from international institution. The U.S. government chose to confront openly the international development system by making a series of “reciprocating state treaties” with other developed countries as well as by enacting domestic legislation to continue its domestic development activity. During the 1990's, the international community took the initiative to modify the former international seabed regime and signed the 1994 Implementation Agreement which guaranteed American free rights on seabed mining and her leading position in the distribution of seabed resources. In the end, the United States returned to the international multilateral seabed development institution by signing the new Agreement which reflected exactly the international institutions profound influence on American resource allocation policy. An Analysis of the Mumbai Consensus (Du Youkang) Lawrence Summers, during his service as director of the U.S. National Economic Council, first mentioned the term Mumbai Consensus, and described its nature, characteristics, prospects and impact. In essence, such a move serves in the U.S. national interests and meets the U.S. domestic and foreign needs. But it exposes quite a few deficiencies, such as a selective perception and misunderstanding of the socioeconomic development in India, a rash prediction and deduction of future development models, an overstatement of the Indian development model, and a deliberate contrast between the Mumbai Consensus and the Beijing counterpart as opposites. Although Summers' Mumbai Consensus is neither mature, nor convincing, his motivations and the Consensus deserve our attention and reflection. A Case Study of U.S. Intelligence Agency Budget Transparency: Steven Aftergood vs National Reconnaissance Office (Li Jianren) With respect to the transparency of American government information, the law suit about intelligence agency is very sensitive and attractive. Steven Aftergood filed a law suit against National Reconnaissance Office (NRO) on June 30, 2005 for the defendant's refusing to disclose its Congressional Budget Justification Book (CBJB) for fiscal year 2006. According to several key clauses of Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) and Intelligence Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2003 (IAA), the two major political parties debated intensely. During the law suit, senators and civil groups also participated in the debate, which showed that the law suit was a complex competitive game. The plaintiff finally won, but we can see, there are some regulations taking side on the intelligence agency, and these regulations are inconsistent with the spirit of FOIA. Moreover, these regulations have set up huge legal obstacles for American courts to protect the citizens- right to know. SinoU.S. Relations in Cyberspace: Competition, Conflict, and Cooperation (Cai Cuihong) In various fields of China-U.S. relations, the cyberspace issues have gained significant attention in a very short time. Cyberspace not only has impact on the traditional SinoU.S. relations, but also leads to new competitions between China and the United States in the field of cyberspace concerning governance, strategic advantages, technological edge, arms race and discourse power, etc. The contradiction between the sovereignty in cyberspace regulation and the openness of the cyberspace constitutes the source of the conflicts between the U.S. and China in this area. The global attribute of the cyberspace and the common threats confronting different nations contribute to the prospect of cooperation between the two countries in the cyberspace, such as international regime building, cyber crime combating, and technical cooperation as well as cyber conflict control. To avoid the security dilemma in the ChinaU.S. relations in the cyberspace, a relatively stable cooperation is needed. One of the key practices is the recognition of sovereignty in cyberspace regulation. Another is the establishment of the strategic mutual trust between China and the United States. DISCUSSION: Trends in World Development, U.S. Global Strategy, and Sino-U.S. Relations Trends in World Development and Prospects for Sino-U.S. Relations (Wang Jisi) The Evolution of American Post Cold War Global Strategy and Sino-U.S. Relations (Gong Li) The Transition of Power between the U.S. and China as Viewed from the Process of American Ascendency to Hegemony (Huang Renwei) How to View American Strategic Adjustment (Tao Wenzhao) The Transition of American Strategic Focus (Xia Liping) Unique SinoU.S. Relations Call for Unique Management Mode (Xu Hui) The Situation and Characteristics of the 2012 Presidential Election (Liu Xuecheng) BOOK REVIEWS A Review of Obama and China's Rise: An Insider's Account of America's Asia Strategy by Jeffrey A. Bader (Lu Ning) A Review of Age of Fracture by Daniel T. Rodgers (Jia Min) ACADEMIC ACTIVITIES Summary of the Symposium of “American Foreign Strategy and Sino-U.S. Relations” and the Annual Conference of CAAS and Society for the History of Sino-U.S. Relations (Yu Gongde) New Books Editor's Note